Spellbinders and Wiseacres: The Senate Election in New Hampshire, 1936

When I think of Styles Bridges, New Hampshire senator from 1937 to his death in 1961, I mainly think of the time he helped Joseph McCarthy bully another senator into committing suicide over a threatened revelation of his son’s homosexuality. Bridges’ decades-long tenure, however, encompassed great swaths of Senate maneuvering and of New Hampshire political history; and is ably chronicled in the perhaps slightly underwritten Styles Bridges: Yankee Senator by James J. Kiepper.

One of my early scholarly writing projects, in the first autumn of the pandemic, was on the single senate term of Fred H. Brown, committed New Dealer who was elected in New Hampshire in 1932 and defeated for re-election in 1938. Styles Bridges’ initial election was in 1936; and since it was the same state and the same time period, I ended up taking a detour and writing a brief section on his election. Since that section didn’t have a place in the larger narrative, and were too short for its own paper, I’ve expanded it into a blog post:

Bridges was originally from Maine, where he was educated and worked as an agricultural agent. After a failed marriage, he moved to New Hampshire in 1921. There, he worked for the state farm bureau, and was soon elected head of the New Hampshire Farm Bureau federation. Though he never developed a spellbinding rhetorical style, his work-related travels throughout the state gave him stump speaking experience and a wealth of local contacts; his work with federal agricultural agencies pushed him into the progressive camp of his day.[1]

This work led former governor Robert Bass, leader of the state’s progressive Republican faction, to hire him as an aide in 1924. In this capacity, he managed the speakers’ bureau for John G. Winant’s successful gubernatorial campaign (defeating, in fact, Fred H. Brown, in the general election), and did the same for Charles Tobey’s campaign in 1928, defeating Old Guard faction governor Huntley N. Spaulding in the Republican primary, as he had in turn defeated John G. Winant in the interim. Tobey attempted to pay the up-and-comer back by appointing him to the Public Service Commission, though this nomination was defeated by the Old Guard-controlled Governor’s Council. Tobey attempted to appoint former governor Winant, and this nomination was also defeated (in that time, a breach of propriety in the name of partisanship). Tobey then tried Bridges a second time, and this time the council accepted him; this appears to have been because he spent enough time sucking up to the Council and to the power lobby that they were persuaded that he would be a friendly regulator. This was the beginning of his drift away from the progressive faction; he became distant from Bass and sat out Winant’s successful campaign to return to the governorship in 1930.[2]

He also sat out the 1932 campaign, spending his time making apolitical, pro-America speeches and putting together his own political organization. Winant was on his way out, and Bridges declared his candidacy for Governor in 1934 over a year in advance. He banked progressive support, from his past affiliations, and barnstormed the state speaking to small gatherings. He didn’t like to be linked to the Bass-Winant faction, and stressed his differences with the incumbent governor, favoring local control of relief programs (in the face of the ongoing Great Depression) and pay-as-you-go budgeting for them. By this time, Winant no longer trusted him or viewed him as a progressive.[3]

After an active and heavy campaign season, Bridges overcame token primary opposition and defeated Democratic nominee John L. Sullivan by only 2,462 votes. Bridges allegedly spread a rumor in Manchester that, in response to Franco-American demands for a new bridge across the Merrimack, Sullivan (a leader in the competing Irish-Catholic faction of the state Democratic Party) had said to “let the frogs hop across the lily pads.” This smear likely led to enough lost votes in the Democratic city to cost Sullivan the election.[4]

As Governor, Bridges opposed the New Deal, saying that it would bring “bankruptcy and chaos.” His single term was a give-and-take between this ideological belief and a need for federal relief money; Harry Hopkins only disbursed WPA funds after the state altered a law to allow relief recipients to vote. Bridges failed to acquire federal funds to prevent the Amoskeag Mills from closing in 1936, and only acquired 1/10th of requested WPA money that year. This came after he referred to the New Deal as a “ghastly mistake” in January of 1936, and proposed instead a reduction in spending, sound currency, and an end to reform programs. Despite this conservative positioning, his term as governor did bring unemployment insurance, robust response to the massive flood that struck New England in 1936, and old-age assistance; his conversion from progressivism to conservatism was a transition, not an abrupt switch.[5]

By the end of his first term in 1936, Bridges pondered his next move. Executive Councilor and shoe manufacturer Francis P. Murphy, who had deferred a run for Governor in 1934, announced that he would run as a Republican in '36 regardless of Bridge's intentions. After toying with a candidacy for Vice President, the popular and young Republican turned, with renewed encouragement from former Governor Bass, to a Senate campaign.[6]

Incumbent Senator Henry W. Keyes, considering a third term, presented a contrast to the youthful Bridges. At 73, Keyes was known as the "Senate mute" for not having made a floor speech since 1920. Also considering a run against Keyes was the combative and witty former Senator George Moses, who had lost his seat to Democrat Fred H. Brown in 1932. Moses, interested in returning to the Senate, could “see no sound reason” not to run against Keyes after Bridges declared his candidacy in June. Despite his well-earned reputation, Moses kept his wit in check, saying that the campaign was “too serious for wisecracking.”[7]

Bridges, running as a candidate of “new, liberal, and constructive leadership,” had the support of moderates, progressives, and those looking for new blood. Despite his increasing conservatism, he was still part of the faction opposed to the Old Guard, led for many years by Robert Moses. Support for Bridges even came from Republican presidential nominee Alf Landon, who made a campaign stop in the state; he made no endorsement, but was happy to have a picture with Bridges taken). Bridges had an active state organization sending out almost 400 letters per day; while Moses had considerable financial support. Both challengers campaigned actively in the face of Keyes' continuing silence; the incumbent then made a surprise announcement in early August that he would not run again, leaving the field to Bridges, Moses and minor candidate William J. Callahan, Fish and Game warden and State Representative from Keene.[8]

The primary campaign was bitter and divisive. Bridges did not sweat Moses’ vehement opposition, saying that “a skunk is an unpleasant if not dangerous neighbor.” While Bridges campaigned on his experience and on policy specifics, Moses discussed matching wits with other Senators. Bridges said that Moses “would so much rather be very witty and very clever, than very bright and very discreet.” Moses said that Bridges blew his own horn; Bridges responded that all of his self-promotion was to the benefit of New Hampshire and the Republican party. Bridges and his supporters, such as former Governor Bass, attacked Moses’ bad votes (prohibiting workers from joining unions, opposing women’s suffrage, opposing the world court, claiming support of the bonus bill and reneging, and supporting the power trusts. Moses had considerable power with newspaper editors, so Bridges’ campaign focused their messaging on radio, including Bass’ addresses in French. When Presidential nominee Alf Landon visited the state, he did not endorse a candidate, but was easily maneuvered into a much-reproduced picture with Bridges, a fellow Governor.[9]

A former Presidential nominee’s involvement was less welcome, when Herbert Hoover sent a letter (soon reprinted) to Huntley Spaulding endorsing Moses. Bridges, shocked by an uncommon occurrence, had to call Hoover to confirm. Some Republicans viewed it as unethical meddling; Hoover later explained that it was in appreciation of a staunch Senate supporter during his administration.[10]

In the end, it wasn’t close. Bridges defeated Moses by 45,463 to 32,108 (65% to 39.5%). Some analysts thought that the lingering bitterness of the primary might redound to the benefit of the Democratic nominee, William N. Rogers.[11]

Rogers represented New Hampshire’s 1st District in Congress. An attorney, Bill Rogers had been elected at a young age to the state legislature, where he had first achieved notice for extemporizing a speech about Daniel Webster in support of naming a highway after the famous statesman. Rogers had served a single term in Congress from 1923 to 1925, and was sent back a decade later upon winning a bellwether special election in 1932, in Webster’s own Congressional district. During time in the House, he received national attention for chairing the subcommittee on military aviation of the House Military Affairs Committee, where he investigated aircraft procurement practices. He clashed with the head of the Army Air Corps, Gen. Benjamin Foulois, over his alleged “deception” of Congress regarding the Air Corps’ ability to handle air mail in the wake of the Roosevelt’s cancellation of existing air mail contracts in 1934. Rogers’ subcommittee faced public criticism for its secrecy; and for taking the General’s testimony as a witness, then blaming him for the fiasco and summarily demanding his ouster.[12]

As a Senate candidate, Rogers had national money and a strong running mate, Bath lumberman Amos N. Blandin, who had served as House Speaker though Republicans held the legislature. Bridges had Murphy, an uncommon Republican with an appeal to urban Catholics. Democrats attacked Bridges for opposing the New Deal (which would render him ineffective) and increasing state taxes on municipal properties). An embittered Moses was, as predicted, no help, and some of his supporters quietly supported Rogers.[13]

Rogers benefitted from an endorsement from former Governor John H. Bartlett, his opponent in the 1932 special Congressional election who had gone on to become an ardent New Dealer. Rogers also touted the Roosevelt administration’s stewardship of the Portsmouth Navy Yard, an important employer in the city that Rogers claimed the Hoover Administration had attempted to close. Drawing on his knowledge of air power, Rogers said in a speech that “since our fleets must be free to meet the enemy fleet, we cannot predict what portion of our coast will be protected by our navy or how long such protection my last. As a result…we must fully realize the necessity of an adequate air force in the maintenance of an effective national defense.”[14]

After Bridges described Rogers as a “rubber stamp” for Roosevelt’s agenda, Rogers cited his vote on the Adjusted Compensation Payment Act, where he voted to override Roosevelt’s veto. He also charged Bridges with inconsistency, since he had previously said that Rogers was absent during any important votes. He also attacked Bridges’ ideological unwillingness to work with the federal government on a flood control plan for the Merrimack River that would have prevented flood damage that year.[15]

Bridges, in his own rally, continued his attack on the New Deal through such alleged projects as “a monkey’s playground in Tennessee” and said of the Navy Yard that the Republicans were the only party with a plank in their platform providing for adequate national defense; and said that Rogers hadn’t played any role in preventing its closure during the Hoover years.[16] Bridges declared that he had "acquired a more intimate knowledge of the New Deal projects than the average Congressman could possibly get in Washington, because I have seen them not merely as schemes on paper, but in their actual working. My practical knowledge of their working will be of the greatest value to me in making the changes which will be necessary."[17]

The Republican ticket - Bridges, Murphy, and congressmen Charles Tobey and Arthur B. Jenks - stumped together throughout the state and organized all ten counties. Bridges made an average of three speeches per weekday. His biographer relates an occasion near the end of the campaign where he spoke at a Franco-American Club in Manchester. He asked the chairman to speak immediately so as to hurry to other occasions; as he decried the "horrible mess the Democrats have made in Washington," his words were met with silence. Seeing Rogers in the back of the hall, Bridges learned that he was at the wrong one of the city's two Franco-American clubs.[18]

In the end, Bridges was victorious on election day. Roosevelt carried New Hampshire by less than four thousand votes, but Bridges beat Rogers by 107,923 to 99,195 (52% to 48%). Fred Brown wrote to Roosevelt on Rogers’ behalf after the election, hoping to get his fallen comrade a soft landing in a federal job; Rogers, however, returned to his legal practice before his Congressional term had even ended.[19] Bridges, meanwhile, went on to a long and colorful Senate career that encompassed a suicide and ended with his own death in 1961.

NOTES

[1] Kiepper, James J., Styles Bridges: Yankee Senator (Sugar Hill, N.H.:Phoenix Publishing, 2001), 14-18.

[2] Kiepper, Styles Bridges, 19-25.

[3] Kiepper, Styles Bridges, 28-31. Bernard Bellush, He Walked Alone: A Biography of John Gilbert Winant (Germany: De Gruyter, 2018), 106n80.

[4] Kiepper, Styles Bridges, 32-33. Sullivan, who went on to be Roosevelt’s Assistant Secretary of the Treasury and Truman’s Secretary of the Navy, is also the subject of a biography: A Different Man, A Different Time: The Story of John L. Sullivan by Stephen Clarkson (Portsmouth: Peter E. Randall, 2011). It has limited coverage of Sullivan’s time in New Hampshire politics.

[5] Kiepper, Styles Bridges, 39-49.

[6] Kiepper, Styles Bridges, 55-56.

[7] Kiepper, Styles Bridges, 52-53. Bullard, F. Lauriston. “Moses Stirs a Hot Primary Fight.” New York Times. July 5th, 1936. “Three Race in New Hampshire.” New York Times. September 6th, 1936.

[8] Kiepper, Styles Bridges, 57-59. “Close Race Ending in New Hampshire.” New York Times. September 13th, 1936.

[9] Kiepper, Styles Bridges, 60-61.

[10] Kiepper, Styles Bridges, 62-63.

[11] “New Hampshire: Landon Held Probable Winner in State’s Confused Campaign.” New York Times. November 1, 1936.

[12] “Congressional Candidates: First District.” The Granite Monthly. Vol. LVI. January, 1924. Accessed online: https://www.google.com/books/edition/The_Granite_Monthly/YNFYAAAAMAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=0. Bullard, F. Lauriston. “Granite State Sees Rebuke to Hoover.” New York Times. January 10th, 1932. “Webster’s Congress District.” New York Times. December 9th, 1931. Shiner, John F. “The General and the Subcommittee: Congress and U.S. Army Air Corps Chief Benjamin Foulois, 1934-35.” The Journal of Military History; Oct 1, 1991; Vol. 55, No. 4; 487-505.

[13] Kiepper, Styles Bridges, 63.

[14] Rogers Speaks on Navy Yard Activities,” Portsmouth Herald, October 16, 1936.

[15] “Democratic Rally Held Last Evening,” Portsmouth Herald, October 29, 1936.

[16] “Republican Rally Held Last Evening,” Portsmouth Herald, October 31, 1936.

[17] Kiepper, Styles Bridges, 63-64.

[18] Kiepper, Styles Bridges, 64.

[19] Letter to Fred H. Brown, November 20, 1936. PPF 4079, President’s Personal File, Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. “Smithtown Case in County Court,” Portsmouth Herald, December 22, 1936.